Việt Nam 2025: 9 Key Events That Reshaped the Country

Việt Nam witnessed a series of dramatic developments in 2025. In the spirit of “looking back at the past to better understand the present and the future,” The Vietnamese Magazine invites readers to revisit the year’s most notable events.

This reflection is not for nostalgia or blame, but to keep moving forward. Although some of these events may have lasted only a few months or even just a few days, their impact will likely extend well into the years to come.

The merging of provincial-level units and the abolishment of the district level have fundamentally altered Việt Nam’s administrative map. This sweeping reform will have long-term effects on governance structures, public officials, and the lives of citizens.

The legal foundation for this overhaul began on April 12, when the Central Committee of the Communist Party adopted Resolution 60 on the two-tier local government model and the termination of the district level. [1] This was followed on June 12 by a National Assembly resolution on restructuring provincial administrative units, which passed with a 99.1% approval rate. [2]

Under the new resolution, the country now has 34 provincial-level administrative units, comprising 28 provinces and 6 centrally administered cities. Of the previous 63 provinces and cities, only 11 remained unchanged, while the other 52 were merged into 23 new units. Additionally, the government reduced 60–70% of communes, wards, and townships and dissolved the former system of non-permanent commune-level officials.

When the resolutions took effect on July 1, localities announced new boundaries and reorganized leadership structures. However, transferring all district-level personnel to the commune level has created major challenges regarding staffing, retirement policies, and allowances for redundant officials.

Communist Party leader Tô Lâm affirmed that these mergers are intended to streamline the apparatus, enhance governance efficiency, and save budget resources, with a long-term vision of “at least 100 years.” [3]

Shutdowns and Mergers of Media Agencies

The past year marked the twilight of a “loyal” press, characterized by the shutdown of major broadcasters and a significant reduction in media agencies. Notably, television stations such as Truyền hình Quốc hội and Truyền hình Nhân Dân officially ceased broadcasting after years of operation. [4]

Under the policy of streamlining, the restructuring process reduced the total number of media outlets nationwide from about 800 to 500. [5] Specific reductions were stark in major urban centers: Hà Nội saw its press agencies decrease from 20 to 10, while Hồ Chí Minh City saw a drop from 28 to 19. [6] [7] The ultimate goal by 2025 was for each major city to retain only four print newspapers, magazines, and radio–television outlets.

Alongside this institutional downsizing, 2025 witnessed the continued prosecution of journalists and social activists. Journalist Trương Huy San (Huy Đức) was tried following nearly nine months of detention on charges of “abusing democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interests of the State and the lawful rights and interests of organizations and individuals.” [8]

Furthermore, towards the end of the year, the Ministry of Public Security issued wanted notices and opened criminal cases against prominent dissidents Lê Trung Khoa and Nguyễn Văn Đài. [9] Amidst these developments, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reports that Việt Nam currently ranks 173rd out of 180 in the press freedom index. [10]

Constitutional Amendments and “Lightning-Speed” Lawmaking

The year 2025 became a significant milestone in Việt Nam’s legislative history, defined by the passage of constitutional amendments and a record number of major laws. This unprecedented pace, however, has raised concerns that transparency and legal rigor were sacrificed for efficiency.

The constitutional revision process concluded on the morning of June 16, when the National Assembly officially adopted a resolution amending and supplementing the 2013 Constitution. [11] Later in the year, during the 10th session (the final session of the 15th tenure) from Oct. 20 to Dec. 11, the body passed a total of 51 laws and 39 resolutions. This volume accounted for approximately 30% of all legislative documents for the entire term. [12] [13]

Key legislation included the Law on Extradition, the Law on Specialized Courts, and the Law on Criminal Judgment Execution, as well as amended laws on Cybersecurity, the Press, and Protection of State Secrets. [14] [15] Most of these documents were passed under fast-track procedures and are scheduled to take effect from July 1, 2026. [16]

Addressing this volume, National Assembly Chairman Trần Thanh Mẫn publicly expressed concern over the “lightning-speed lawmaking,” stressing that legislation requires thorough research, debate, and time—things that cannot be compressed into mere days. [17]

The “Swap Gasoline for Electricity” Proposal and Its First Steps

Government Directive 20 regarding the roadmap to ban gasoline vehicles in Hà Nội emerged as one of the most controversial documents of 2025. It not only affected the livelihoods and daily mobility of millions but also signaled a new state approach to policy implementation. [18]

Issued on July 12 by Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính, Directive 20 outlines a strict timeline for phasing out fossil-fuel vehicles. From July 1, 2026, gasoline and diesel motorcycles will be banned within Ring Road 1. By 2028, the ban will extend to private cars within Ring Roads 1 and 2, and by 2030, the prohibition covers the entire Ring Road 3 area. State media framed this “urgent” implementation as proof of “strong political determination” to improve air quality. [19][20]

Hồ Chí Minh City has proactively followed suit. [21] A draft by the city’s Development Research Institute indicates that starting in early 2026, new gasoline motorcycles will be ineligible for ride-hailing registration, with a complete ban on gasoline ride-hailing bikes by early 2029.

However, the transition faces significant resistance. On social media, the public has voiced concerns that personal motorbikes remain essential for livelihoods. Experts warn that shifting from gasoline to electric vehicles creates massive hurdles regarding public transport infrastructure, charging stations, fire safety, and battery disposal.

The strain on the power grid is a primary concern. Statistics indicate that Ring Road 1 alone accommodates around 450,000 motorbikes daily. Converting this fleet to electric vehicles could increase Hà Nội’s electricity load by nearly 17% compared to its highest recorded peak. [22] [23]

Three Former “Four Pillars” Stripped of Party Positions

History was made on July 19 when three former leaders from Việt Nam’s “Four Pillars” (tứ trụ) were disciplined simultaneously. At the 12th Plenum of the Central Committee (13th tenure), General Secretary Tô Lâm announced that former Presidents Nguyễn Xuân Phúc and Võ Văn Thưởng, along with former National Assembly Chairman Vương Đình Huệ, were stripped of all Party positions. [24]

This marks the first time such high-level figures have faced the maximum disciplinary action at the same time. While Nguyễn Xuân Phúc and Vương Đình Huệ had been reprimanded in late 2024, Võ Văn Thưởng had previously avoided discipline due to medical treatment. [25]

As a result of this decision, all three have lost the honorary titles of former state leaders. Consequently, they are no longer entitled to associated privileges, such as state funerals. This move signals a definitive shift in the handling of top officials, effectively ending the long-standing tradition of “safe landings” for senior Party leaders.

Vingroup’s Mega-Projects and Mass Lawsuits

The year 2025 was marked by the increasing presence of Vingroup in the media, driven by both its massive infrastructure ambitions and aggressive legal maneuvers. The corporation headlined major initiatives, including the North–South high-speed railway proposal, the Bến Thành–Cần Giờ metro investment, and a massive coastal urban development in Cần Giờ. On a single day, Dec. 19, the group commenced 11 major national projects. [26]

These developments occurred alongside controversial proposals to ban gasoline vehicles in Hà Nội and Hồ Chí Minh City, sparking debate over the benefits to Vingroup’s electric vehicle arm, VinFast.

However, the most significant headlines concerned an unprecedented legal campaign. On Sept. 8, Vingroup announced lawsuits against 68 individuals and organizations for spreading “fabricated” rumors that the corporation faced bankruptcy and held debts of up to 800 trillion đồng. [27] Notably, the corporation’s Q2 2025 financial report listed over 805 trillion đồng in “liabilities,” a category comprising “loans and financial leases,” “other short-term payables,” “other long-term payables,” and “advance payments from buyers.” [28]

Within 24 hours, over 50 social media pages removed the posts, and many individuals issued apologies. [29] Vingroup further stated it would pursue lawsuits against overseas entities. This marked the first time a major private corporation in Việt Nam launched a legal campaign of such scale to protect its reputation. [30]

The shift from the traditional method of “reporting to the police” to pursuing civil litigation marks a turning point in how Vietnamese corporations handle reputation management. [31]

The Expanding Power of the Ministry of Public Security

In 2025, the Ministry of Public Security effectively became the most powerful agency in the state apparatus, expanding its reach from law enforcement into legislation, administration, and societal oversight.

The Ministry’s legislative footprint was unprecedented. It led the drafting of major statutes, including the Penal Code, Cybersecurity Law, Law on Extradition, and the Law on Personal Data Protection. In total, the Ministry presided over a record-breaking 85 laws, 73 resolutions, and 322 decrees during the year.

Simultaneously, the Ministry absorbed administrative functions previously held by the Ministries of Justice, Transport, and Labor. These new responsibilities range from issuing driving licenses and criminal record certificates to managing drug rehabilitation and combating social vices. Notably, the Ministry also took over ownership representation of Mobifone from the State Capital Management Committee. [32]

This expansion of power extended to information control. The amended Press Law of 2025 granted investigative bodies the authority to force journalists to disclose their sources. [33] Furthermore, the push to develop VNeID into a “super app” has sparked widespread doubt and  concern that the Ministry is overreaching into daily life and intensifying surveillance over the population. [34] [35]

Price Storms and Tax Burdens 

“If you inflate real estate prices, people will only see house prices soaring endlessly, but they will never reach them because the prices are simply too high.” This statement by Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính on Sept. 22 acknowledged a reality that ordinary citizens had already felt firsthand. [36]

Data from the Q3 2025 housing report illustrates the severity of the crisis. In Hà Nội, average apartment prices surged to 95 million đồng per square meter, with over 43% of new units costing more than 120 million đồng per square meter. Similarly, Hồ Chí Minh City saw averages reach 91 million đồng per square meter, with some central projects exceeding 200 million đồng. [37]

In stark contrast to these “price storms,” the General Statistics Office reported that the average monthly income in Q3 2025 was only 8.4 million đồng. [38] Nguyễn Quốc Hiệp, chairman of the Vietnam Association of Construction Contractors, estimated that a government worker would need 80 years to buy a house if they saved two-thirds of their salary. Consequently, some media analyses even noted that  young workers are increasingly reluctant to have children due to these prohibitive costs. [39]

Adding to the financial pressure, 2025 introduced new tax burdens. Decree 70/2025 replaced the lump-sum tax for small traders with a complex new calculation method, sparking immediate controversy. [40] Furthermore, the amended Personal Income Tax Law was criticized for maintaining high brackets of up to 35%, a move seen as ill-timed given the low average incomes and the risk of the “middle-income trap.” [41]

Historic Floods, Government Failures, and Hydropower Controversy

The year 2025 stands as one of the darkest periods for natural disasters and environmental crises in Việt Nam. From severe storms and hazardous air pollution in Hà Nội to historic floods, the country suffered devastating human and economic losses.

The East Sea saw a record-breaking 21 storms and tropical depressions, with Storm No. 9 ranking as the strongest ever recorded in the region and the second most powerful globally that year. [42] The Department of Dike Management and Disaster Prevention reported nearly 100 trillion đồng in economic losses. The human toll included 420 dead or missing and 730 injured, while material damage saw 4,200 homes destroyed and over 800,000 hectares of crops submerged. [43]

The historic flooding from September to December sparked intense debate regarding government accountability. Voices “from within the system” admitted the disaster served as a failed “stress test” for the new two-tier government model. [44]

Public outrage focused heavily on small hydropower dams and evacuation protocols. Amid concerns that dams amplified the disaster, a National Assembly member called for a comprehensive review of all such plants, raising further questions about responsibility. [45] [46] The anger culminated in a blunt statement from another delegate regarding flood discharges: releasing water that causes death must be treated as a criminal offense, regardless of whether the action followed “the correct procedure.” [47]

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Thạch Hãn and Bối Thuỷ wrote this article in Vietnamese and published it in Luật Khoa Magazine on Dec. 22, 2025. Đàm Vĩnh Hằng translated it into English for The Vietnamese Magazine.