Controversy in South Korea over key academic appointments has reopened old war wounds between Seoul and Tokyo, with officials facing allegations of legitimising Japan’s colonial rule to shore up security ties with Tokyo and Washington.
The saga, which is threatening to mar coming Liberation Day celebrations this week, centres on the conservative administration’s selection of scholars seen as sympathetic to Japan to lead three key state-funded research institutes focused on historical studies.
In a first-ever move, descendants of anti-Japanese fighters – those who fought for Korea’s independence from Japan – and opposition politicians have vowed to boycott the high-profile annual ceremony on August 15, with President Yoon Suk-yeol set to deliver a speech.
At the heart of the controversy is the appointment of Kim Hyung-seok, a history professor, as the new head of the Independence Hall of Korea, an institution dedicated to preserving the memories of pro-independence fighters and the suffering endured during the colonial era.
The Heritage of Korean Independence (HKI) and 24 other organisations representing the families of these fighters are demanding Kim’s resignation, accusing him of being akin to the pro-Japanese collaborators of the colonial era.
“From the outset, Kim has made it clear that he intends to use the Independence Hall as a platform to rehabilitate the reputation of pro-Japanese collaborators,” the left-leaning Hankyoreh newspaper said in an editorial on Saturday.
Kim has denied being affiliated with the so-called New Right, a fringe group of academics accused of being sympathetic to Japan.
The group argues that the history of the Republic of Korea only began in 1948, with the establishment of its government following three years of US military administration from 1945 to 1948.
By this logic, they dismiss the significance of the government-in-exile established in Shanghai after the March 1, 1919, pro-independence uprising, and suggest that Koreans during the colonial period were effectively subjects of Imperial Japan.
This perspective aligns with the views of Japan’s right-wing, which argues that Korea benefited from colonial rule through industrialisation and that pro-independence fighters were nothing more than “terrorists”.
“If my arguments are flawed, they should be challenged academically, but instead, I’m being subjected to a kangaroo court – a public witch hunt,” Kim told journalists on Monday.
“I have never denigrated the independence movement or defamed any particular independence activist. On the contrary, I have been at the forefront of promoting the spirit of independence through numerous lectures and articles,” he added.
Lee Jong-chan, head of the HKI and grandson of a prominent pro-independence activist, has harshly criticised Kim, likening him to pro-Japanese Korean agents who betrayed independence fighters to Japanese authorities.
Political fallout
Critics point out that the appointments of individuals associated with the New Right to key historical posts align with some conservatives’ efforts to set aside long-standing historical disputes, which have been obstacles to improving relations with Japan.
Washington has been pushing for the two neighbours to move past their resentments and form a trilateral defence alliance.
“In the face of threats from the North, history revisionists are exploiting the current security environment, which favours stronger defence cooperation with Japan, to push their narratives,” Yang Kee-ho, a Japanese studies professor at Sungkonghoe University, told This Week in Asia.
“However, their views will never be accepted by the general population, and their attempts will backfire by reigniting anti-Japanese sentiments.”
Lee Won-deog, a Japanese studies professor at Kookmin University, noted that the controversy over these appointments had intensified criticism of the government’s diplomatic stance towards Japan.
“This situation presents a new challenge for the government as it seeks to strengthen security cooperation with Japan and the United States, providing leftist and opposition parties with ammunition to attack its perceived leniency towards Japan,” Lee said.
The two largest opposition parties – the Democratic Party of Korea and the Rebuilding Korea party – have also threatened to boycott the coming Liberation Day ceremony, demanding Kim’s resignation.
Nam Ki-jeong, a professor at Seoul National University’s Institute for Japanese Studies, argued that the government was disregarding anti-Japanese sentiments in its pursuit of security cooperation with Tokyo.
“With dangerous rhetoric emerging in Japan about taking responsibility for the security of the Korean peninsula to counter the Chinese threat, the Yoon administration is treading a perilous path,” Nam warned.
Yoon has made significant efforts to improve relations with Japan, often criticising his liberal predecessor, Moon Jae-in, for allowing tensions with Tokyo to escalate over how to address the legacies of Japan’s 1910-45 colonial rule over Korea.
One of the most notable steps taken by Yoon’s administration was the announcement in March last year to establish a Seoul-financed fund aimed at compensating Korean victims of wartime forced labour during the colonial era.
This move was part of a broader effort to mend relations with Tokyo after Japan refused to comply with a South Korean Supreme Court ruling that ordered Japanese companies, including Mitsubishi Heavy Industries and Nippon Steel, to compensate the victims.
The decision to create this fund sparked backlash from some victims and critics, who accused the Yoon government of capitulating to Japan.
However, it was praised by Washington, which is eager to strengthen defence cooperation among South Korea, Japan and the US in the face of growing threats from North Korea, China and Russia.
In a break from tradition, during his speech last year on August 15 marking Korea’s Liberation Day, Yoon refrained from highlighting the suffering inflicted during the Japanese colonial rule.
Instead, he referred to Japan as a “partner” with whom South Korea shared values and common interests.
Further signalling a shift in policy, Seoul last month endorsed Japan’s bid to have the Sado gold mine recognised as a Unesco World Heritage site. This endorsement followed Tokyo’s pledge to acknowledge the dark history of World War II, including the abuse of Korean workers.
